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Permanent Peace is possible only through a Political Solution based on the Federal Principle-

Dr. K.Vigneswaran

The Lanka Sama Samaja Party conducted a symposium on 30th May 2006 at the Mahaweli Centre to commemorate the 17th death anniversary of Dr. Colvin R. de Silva. The speakers were Hon. Prof. Tissa Vitharana, Dr. K.Vigneswaran, Prof. Carlo Fonseka and Former Minister Batty Weerakoon. The moderator was Tissa Abeysekera.

The following is the Text of Speech delivered by Dr. K.Vigneswaran, General Secretary of the Akhila Ilankai Tamil United Front:

While we commemorate the 17th death anniversary of Dr. Colvin R. de Silva, a colossus of the Sri Lankan political arena of the 20th century, it is important that we look back into our past and do some serious rethinking. Most of our pre- independence leaders and most of our post- independence leaders sacrificed the welfare of the country for political expediency. As a result of the unwillingness of our leaderships to resolve the ethnic problem in a just and fair manner, two generations of Sri Lankans had to witness the country sinking into an abyss.

The question that is being asked now is, “Are we heading towards another war and the breakup of Sri Lanka, with the consequent perils?” Are we going to prove how right Dr. Colvin R. de Silva was when he warned, “Two languages, one nation; one language, two nations” during the debate on the Official Language Bill in 1956.

I want to expound only a single theme in this short speech of mine.
A Peace Process overseen by the international community was set in motion in February 2002, following the signing of a Ceasefire Agreement between the Government of Sri Lanka and the LTTE. The country now faces a ‘no war, no peace’ situation with ceasefire violations taking place almost every day. The country is now in a crisis.

The first paragraph of the Preamble to the Ceasefire Agreement states as follows:

            “The overall objective of the Government of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam is to find a negotiated solution to the ongoing ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka.”

On this aspect of finding a negotiated solution, what has been the progress made after four long years? The answer could be, that we now have the famous joint declaration made in Oslo in December 2002 by both the GOSL and the LTTE to the effect that the two parties had agreed to explore a political solution based on the federal principle. Let me quote the exact words:

“The parties agreed to explore a solution founded on the principle of internal self- determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka. The parties acknowledged that the solution has to be acceptable to all communities.”

My contention is that both the GOSL and the LTTE are bound by this declaration. We therefore, have a right to ask both parties the reasons for their disinclination to engage in negotiations for a political settlement.
Well, the GOSL is likely to respond saying that the LTTE is evading the negotiating table, while the LTTE is likely to say that the GOSL does not honour its commitments in respect of ceasefire violations, and hence talks for a negotiated political solution is not possible. The fact of the matter is that the LTTE does not wish to be caught in a peace trap while the GOSL is already caught in the web it had woven around itself.

At this juncture, let us refresh our memory for a moment. After the signing of the Indo Sri Lanka Agreement in July 1987, the LTTE was offered majority representation in the Interim Administration for the North-East Province. Yet, the LTTE maneuvered its way out of the Interim Administration. The LTTE took on the Indian Peace Keeping Force and inveigled President Premadasa into supporting it to get the IPKF out of the country, and out of its way. The LTTE told President Premadasa that it would follow the democratic path and get into the North-East Provincial Council if he could only have the EPRLF-led Council dissolved. They told the same thing to Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi. President Premadasa trusted the LTTE and paid for with his life. It should thus be clear that the LTTE ensured that no political solution, be it an interim administration, or an elected administration took roots in the North-East Province.

We should look at the current crisis with these experiences of the past. We may summarise the current crisis as follows:

         (1) The CFA is in place for more than 4 years with a ‘no war, no peace’ situation on the ground.

         (2) Both the SLG and the LTTE are obliged to explore a political solution based on the federal principle, but, both sides have shown no inclination to engage in such an exploration.

         (3) Even if the two sides do meet due to international pressures, they are likely to address only issues connected to CFA violations.

Under such circumstances, what does one do? Are we to sit tight and wait for something good to happen, while hoping that things would not get worse? But, we can already hear the war- drums. If another war breaks out, no country on earth is going to bail out Sri Lanka. That is the reality. And, if a war does break out, it is the civilians who would bear the brunt of it.

It is in this context that I would advise the political leadership of this country to adopt a different approach. There is indeed a power that could help to bring about permanent peace and to rein in the LTTE. Past Governments of Sri Lanka have overlooked that power. That power is the Tamil people. If the SLG would only win the confidence of the Tamil people, the Tamil people would become its best ally in its search for peace.

There is, however, only one way to win the confidence of the Tamil people. The SLG must offer a just and fair solution to the Tamil people. The vast majority of the Tamil people would be contented with a solution based on the federal concept. The SLG has to take a bold initiative, regardless of what the LTTE says or does. That is the only path to peace.

The CFA does not rule out SLG conducting parallel negotiations with other parties with the intention of arriving at a solution. In fact, many parties and intellectuals are ready to help the SLG in this matter. What is worked out during such parallel negotiation could be presented to the LTTE to have its say within a specified period of time. Parliament, and probably the country, should thereafter give approval to that solution. In fact, President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga attempted a similar exercise in 2000. Such an initiative will not only win the hearts and minds of the Tamil people in Sri Lanka, but even of the expatriate Tamils who are the main financiers of the LTTE.

There are some who argue that the LTTE would not allow any solution to be implemented on the ground. Yes, I do agree that the LTTE is likely to prevent implementation of the solution on the ground. But, may I ask, wouldn’t the LTTE do the same in respect of any solution that is not to its liking? Even in such a situation, the SLG’s only hope would be the Tamil people. If the Tamil people would consider a solution to be just and fair, then their will would prevail, and not the will of the LTTE. In such a situation, the Tamil people would call the shots, and not the LTTE.

Therefore, let me conclude by reiterating that permanent peace could be a reality in Sri Lanka, if only the SLG would take a bold initiative to win the confidence of the Tamil people by presenting a political solution to the ethnic problem based on the federal principle. For that, a two-track negotiation has to commence without delay.

30.05.2006.
 
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